赖斯演讲稿三篇
篇一：赖斯演讲全文
中国终将走向民主
日前，美国国务卿莱斯在旧金山的共和俱乐部发表演讲。莱斯说，民主之路绝非一帆风顺，民主制度也并非尽善尽美，但民主确是尊重人性和自由的机制。她说，为世界自由事业开辟前进的道路，美利坚义不容辞。莱斯强调，民主不同于专制，不需要强加于人。“我们相信——我们坚信——中国不会永远成为（民主的）例外”。以下是演讲全文，由中国信息中心翻译。
谢谢。谢谢大家。回家的感觉真好。罗斯（Rose），谢谢你热忱的介绍。谢谢你邀请我来到这里同湾区的众多朋友和同事们交流。我并且要感谢俱乐部的主席，我的好朋友葛洛丽雅达菲（Gloria Duffy），葛洛丽雅致力于国际事务几近二十年。葛洛丽雅，谢谢你对共和俱乐部（Commonwealth Club）的卓越领导。
重回加州的感觉实在美妙。加州让我魂牵梦萦的不仅是气候、美酒和佳肴，更在于她的风土和人民。来到旧金山我感到特别高兴，这座城市令我回想起自己在斯坦福的学院生活。（赖斯1993年至1999年曾任斯坦福大学教务长。译者注。）
旧金山还是国际政治史上的一座重要城市。60年前，世界各国在这里缔结了联合国XX，人类历史的全新纪元由此展开。20年前，在旧金山发生的一系列事件又帮助终结了那个旧时代。当时的国务卿乔治舒尔茨（George Schulz）也是在共和俱乐部提出了瓦解苏联的战略，这就是后来里根主义的雏形。
里根主义简单而卓有成效。舒尔茨国务卿说，民主浪潮正席卷全球，美利坚将不遗余力地保障并推进世界各国的民主化进程。此后仅四年，柏林墙坍塌了，黎明的曙光乍现。苏联的崩溃根本性地改变了世界政治格局。对一些人来讲，这意味着俄罗斯和东欧获得了解放；但另一方面，脆弱而稳定的国际关系由此结束。
先是巴尔干的种族清洗，随后是中非的战乱和屠戮，接着邪恶的宗教狂热分子在阿富汗攫取了政权并展开血腥的屠戮。紧跟着是发生在那个温暖九月早上的袭击事件。整个世界都蒙上了恐怖阴影。也是在这一天，美利坚意识到我们国家的安全同世界其它区域的民主成败息息相关。如诸位所见，当前世界和平的最大威胁都源于国家内部而非来自国际争端。为应对这史无前例的挑战，布什总统为合众国设定了新的前行的方向。总统说，“世界的和平取决于世界自由事业的进展程度”。行政当
局为此采取了一系列富有成效的措施，这些工作燃点了从富兰克林罗斯福到罗纳德里根年代就伴随我们的高贵理想。
我们的政策既充满理想主义色彩又富有现实主义精神。我们认为，民主和自由是妥善解决多元社会争端、使人们和平相处而免予战争和压迫的唯一途径。当前我们面临的挑战就是创造合适的外部环境以鼓励培育各国内部的民主改革。（掌声）
女士们、先生们，为世界自由事业开辟前进的道路，美利坚义不容辞。我们正在走向成功，玫瑰革命、橙色革命、紫色革命、郁金香革命、雪松革命，众多富有活力的民主改革纷呈乍现，在促进世界民主进程上我们所获的成就让世人惊赞。（玫瑰革命、橙色革命、紫色革命、郁金香革命和雪松革命分指格鲁吉亚、乌克兰、伊拉克、吉尔吉斯、黎巴嫩发生的民主化政权更迭。译者注。）现在构建民主的巴勒斯坦国也
（听众席上的抗议声打断了讲话）停止屠杀！制止自杀！美军撤出伊拉克！
（赖斯继续演讲）先生们、女士们，人们能够表述自己的想法，这是件好事情。巴格达人民现在也享有这种权利。（掌声）是的，女士们，先生们，不仅是在巴格达（Baghdad）、在喀布尔（Kabul），马上在贝鲁特（Beirut），人们都能够自由地表述自己的思想。（巴格达、喀布尔、贝鲁特分别为伊拉克、阿富汗和黎巴嫩的首府。译者注。）民主真是一项美妙的制度。（掌声）
毫无疑问，战后的阿富汗、暴力充斥的伊拉克以及其它一些新生的民主国家现在都面临严峻的挑战。但今天下午，我将主要讲述在拉丁美洲、非洲和亚洲这三个重要区域推进民主事业的状况。在拉美民主化方面，合众国奉行的是以经济诱导促进政治改革的策略。从长远而言，拉丁美洲民主转型的成功取决于这一区域对新思想和新移民，尤其是对新贸易的开放接纳程度。自由贸易将使所有人受益。行政当局目前的一项优先任务就是敦促国会核准中美洲自由贸易协定（CAFTA）。（掌声）
数十年来，我们的拉美政策摇摆不定。但中美洲自由贸易协定会彻底改写这一态势。协定将激发民主、加强安全并提升各国的繁荣程度。借助这一协定，我们并能够明白表述自己对那些珍视自由原则的拉美国家的支持。目前，中美洲人民正在走出历史的迷乱并努力构建繁荣的未来。他们信奉民主原则和市场机制。我们应采用更有效的经济诱因去激发他们进行更深入的政治改革。
为吸引贸易和投资，民主国家将协力创造繁荣的政治环境、透明负责的政府以及完善的'法制。民主改革将消除贫困并促进人民参与国家的政治生活。与此同时，自由贸易则提供人们多样化的生活选择机会。当公民们的自由企业精神被唤醒，自由贸易将成为创造财富和推进社会进步的源泉。中美洲自由贸易协定也将使合众国受益。我们将在不断拓展的全球经济中更具竞争力。尤其重要的是，中美洲自由贸易协定也将促进中美洲地区的稳定，我们将获得更加安全、自由和健康的外部环境。为促进各国的民主进程，我们设立了世纪挑战账户(Millennium Challenge Account, MCA)。相对于数十年来，我们见效甚微的数十亿美元的无偿付出，世纪挑战帐户是一项革命性的措施。该账户将向那些公正治国、投资于民生并提倡经济自由的国家提供数十亿美元的赠款。洪都拉斯（Honduras）和尼加拉瓜（Nicaragua）已符合账户援助条件，目前我们正致力达成付款协议。世纪挑战帐户还被用于提升非洲的自
由程度。如同拉美一样，非洲的内部改革同样需要外部世界的鼓励。目前共有八个非洲国家达到世纪挑战帐户的赠款条件。上月，我们特别从帐户内拨付了1亿1千万美元给马达加斯加以鼓励这个国家的政治和经济自由化。
和平、繁荣、民主的新非洲为美国所乐见。过去四年，我们将官方的对非洲援助款项提升到原先的三倍。即便如此，我们也意识到这些援助仍是有限的。正如乌干达总统穆塞韦尼（Museveni）所言，“援助本身并不能促进社会变革。只有国际贸易能够培育经济增长并最终促成转型”。布什总统赞赏这番言论并试图通过非洲成长和机会法（The African rowth and Opportunity Act, AGOA）来促进撒哈拉以南非洲国家的经济成长。根据该法，那些致力于民主化建设和市场改革的非洲国家将获得优惠的贸易地位。
我们看到，开放的环境不仅为非洲创造了大量的就业机会，也促进了这些国家构建公民社会的进程。目前有37个国家被纳入非洲成长和机会法的援助范围。去年美国从上述国家的贸易进口额达到260亿美元，较上一年度有90%的提升。（掌声）
更多的就业、更大的稳定和更迅捷的增长对非洲民众意义重大。不仅如此，非洲成长和机会法传递着一个明白无误的讯息：政治自由和经济自由是走向成功的关键。
如同在非洲和拉美一样，美利坚也致力于在亚洲推进民主。二十世纪中叶以来，我们就承担起职责，捍卫这一区域的自由、安全并保障其发展。当世界注目于冷战时代的重大变迁时，亚洲地区的数十亿人民也在我们的帮助下不屈不挠地、坚定地构建着自己国家的民主未来。
有人将当今的亚洲同20世纪初黯淡的欧洲作比。他们认为，如同当年的欧洲一样，亚洲也正处于经济和政治转型期。他们认为，亚洲的转型不会促进和平，相反，这一进程会点燃历史的积怨并刺激民族主义情绪。
我不赞同这种悲观的看法。我认为，欧洲的过去并不能预言亚洲的未来。相反，真正决定亚洲未来的只有两个字：开放。上世纪初欧洲的动荡从某些角度而言源于专制的传统，诸如德国皇帝、俄国沙皇、哈布斯堡家族和奥斯曼帝国等，是这些封闭政权构建了一个充满敌意的环境并最终导致了战争。
然而在今天的亚洲，民主已成为普遍的现实。当然中国是一个极大的例外。但我们相信——我们坚信——中国不会永远成为例外。当中国的经济持续走向开放时，它的领导人环顾四周就可以得出确定的结论：政治开放是持续发展的必要条件。中国的崛起或将改变亚洲的未来，但亚洲的民主进程同时也塑造着中国的发展。
我们有理由乐观。女士们、先生们，民主原则不能由外部世界强加，美利坚确信这点。
事实上，我们反对民主输出，因为我们了解，民主不同于专制，不需要强加于人。（掌声）
走遍世界各地，无论你所处如何偏远，但只要你试着问人们一个简单的问题——“你是否希望畅所欲言地表述自己的心声、你是否想要自由地选择自己的信仰、你是否期望自主地教育自己的孩子，你是否想免于在夜晚被秘密警察拘捕的恐惧”——人们的答案都是明白无误的。正因为这样，我们看到成群结队的阿富汗人民涌向投票站，尽管他们脚下是泥泞的17世纪的道路。我们也亲见伊拉克民众不顾XX“投票者死”的威胁去行使自己神圣的选举权利。
先生们、女士们。民主——一种对自由的信仰、对自由的渴望——如同呼吸一样是生命不可分割的部分。（掌声）
民主之路充满艰辛曲折，但世上又有什么事情是一蹴而就的呢？托马斯杰斐逊（Thomas Jefferson），我们自由国家的伟大创始者曾说过，人人生而自由，这是造物主赋予的不可剥夺的权利。但杰斐逊本人却是位蓄奴主义者，这显然同他对于自由的信仰相悖。尽管如此，美利坚的缔造者们确实构建了一系列良好的机制来保障自由。200年来，借助于这些机制，我们历经风雨，并向建设一个更完善联邦的道路上迈进。（掌声）
如果拥有选择的权利，所有国家的人民都会拒绝独裁，选择民主。诚然，民主之路绝非一帆风顺，民主制度也并非尽善尽美，但民主确是尊重人性和自由的机制。而自由则是每个人天赋的权利，合众国自诞生的第一天起就确认了这一理念。200年来，我们一直秉承着该信念前行。
60年前在旧金山，我们协助起草了联合国XX，为现代自由事业打下了基石。20年前，国务卿舒尔茨宣布美利坚将会帮助世上所有寻求自由的人们。
今天，我们正面临前所未有的挑战——对人类自由的不懈追求将引导美利坚进入新的世纪。捍卫自由，这不仅是我们国家引以为豪的理念，更是时代的召唤。执着于我们的理想，我们终将获得成功。
谢谢大家。（掌声）
篇二：赖斯的演讲加翻译
As we work for a more just economic order, we must also work to promote a freer and more democratic world – a world that will one day include a democratic Cuba, a democratic Burma, and a fully democratic Middle East. 当我们要想建立一个公平的经济秩序，同时我们也必须得努力去营造一个更自由、更民主的世界，这个世界将包含一个民主的古巴、缅甸和完全民主的中东。
Now, this emphasis on democracy in the Middle East is controversial, I admit, and some would say, “Well, we’ve actually made the situation worse.”
如今中东的民主已经变得有争议了，我承认这一点。因此可能就会有人说：好吧，我们让情况变得更糟了。
I would ask: Worse compared to what
而我不禁想反问他们：比什么更糟了？
Worse than when the Syrian army occupied Lebanon for nearly 30 yearsWorse than when the Palestinian people could not hold their leaders accountable, and watched as a chance for peace was squandered and evaporated into the second intifada
比叙利亚军队侵占黎巴嫩将近30年更糟糕吗？能比巴勒斯坦人民再也不相信他们的政府且眼睁睁地看着和平的机会被浪费了并再次进入混乱更糟嘛？
Worse than the tyranny of Saddam Hussein at the heart of the Middle East, who terrified his neighbors and whose legacy is the bodies of 300,000 innocent people that he left in unmarked mass graves
能比萨达姆侯赛因在中东的暴行，如恐吓其邻国，它的遗产是那无名坟冢中的三十万具无辜的尸体，能比这更糟糕么？
Or worse perhaps than the false stability which masked a freedom gap, spawned hopelessness, and fed hatreds so deep that 19 men found cause to fly airplanes into American cities on a fine September morning
或者是这虚假的稳定掩饰了自由的鸿沟，给人们带来无望，同时带来的仇恨之深以至于19个人在一个美好的九月的早晨空袭了美国城市，能比这更糟嘛？
No, ladies and gentlemen, the past order in the Middle East is nothing to extol, but it does not make the challenges of the present less difficult. Even when you cherish democratic ideals, it is never easy to turn them into effective democratic institutions. This process will take decades, and it will be driven, as it should be, and as it only can be, by courageous leaders and citizens in the region.
没有，女士们先生们，中东过去的秩序并不值得赞扬，但其现今所面临的挑战也并不因此而减轻，把民主制度付诸行动也并不是一件容易的事。这一过程将需要数十年的时间，并且将由也只会由这个城市的勇敢的领导者们和市民们推进！
Different nations will find ways to express democratic values that reflect their own cultures and their own ways of life. And yet the basics are universal and we know them – that men and women have the right to choose those who will govern them, to speak their minds, to worship freely, and to find protection from the arbitrary power of the state.
不通国家将会找到表达其民主观念的方式，且这将反映出他们国家自己的文化和其人民自己的生活方式。这些基本观念是众所周知的，那就是男性和女性都有权选择谁来统治他们、有权诉说自己的观点、有崇拜自由权和有权从国家的强权里寻求保护。
The main problem for democracy in the Middle East has not been that people are not ready for it. The problem is that there are violent forces of reaction that cannot be allowed to triumph.
中东主要的民主矛盾并不是人们还没准备好接受民主，而是过激的反应而导致人们不能取得最终的胜利。
The problem is that too many Lebanese journalists and parliamentarians are being assassinated in a campaign of intimidation, and that the Lebanese have not been permitted to elect their president freely.
问题是有太多的丽娜嫩记者和国会议员在恐怖行动中被刺杀了，这也就是为什么黎巴嫩未能选出其总统的原因。
The problem is that too many peaceful human rights activists, and journalists, and bloggers are sitting in prison for actions that should not be considered crimes in any country.
问题是存在有太多的人权激进分子、记者和博客进了监狱，而他们所做的在任何国家都不能构成罪名。
The problem is not that a group like Hamas won one free election; it is that the leaders of Hamas still refuse to make the fundamental choice that is required for any democracy to function: You can be a political party, or you can be a terrorist group, you cannot be both.
问题是没有能像哈马斯这样的团体一样能够赢得自由选举。哈马斯的领导者仍然拒绝做出能够使民主生效的决定：你可以成为一个政治团体，或者你也可以变成一个恐怖组织，二者不能兼得。
We should be under no illusions that the challenges in the Middle East will get any better if we approach them in a less principled fashion. In fact, the only
truly effective solutions to many of these challenges will emerge not in spite of democracy, but because of it.
我们对中东所面临的挑战能够变好不要抱任何幻想，如果我们去达成这个目标时没有原则的话。而事实是，唯一能够真正有效地解决这些挑战的办法将会涌现，尽管没有民主，而是因为民主的存在才会这样。
Democracy is the most realistic way for diverse peoples to resolve their differences, and share power, and heal social divisions without violence or repression.
民主是人们解决分歧、共享权利和不通过武力或镇压来完善社会差异的最有效的方式。
Democracy is the most likely way to ensure that women have an equal place in society and an equal right to make the basic choices that define their lives. 民主是最能够确保女性能够有平等的社会地位和平等的权利来做出维护她们的生活的基本决定的方式。
And democracy is the most realistic path to lasting peace among nations. In the short run, there will surely be struggles and setbacks. There will be stumble and even falls. But delaying the start of the democratic enterprise will only mask tensions and breed frustrations that will not be suppressed forever.
民主还是能够实现国家之间的长久和平的最佳方法。而短期内，迷住必然将会遇到困难、挫折、停顿甚至是倒退。但是民主的延迟实现所带来的紧张和沮丧不会永远持续下去。
Now this brings us, finally, to the matter of diplomacy. Do optimism and idealism play a role in this endeavor, which is by its very nature the art of the
possibleIs it as Lord Palmerston said – that “nations have no permanent enemies and no permanent allies, only permanent interests”
而现在这一过程给我们带来的最终会是一系列外交事宜。乐观主义与理想主义在民主的实现过程中也做出了贡献，但是这会是实现民主这一可能性的本质么？是不是正如真主帕默斯顿说的那样：国家之间没有永久的敌人也没有永久的朋友，只有永久的利益呢？
Well, I can assure you that America has no permanent enemies, because we harbor no permanent hatreds. The United States is sometimes thought of as a nation that perhaps does not dwell enough on its own history. To that, I say: Good for us. Because too much focus on history can become a prison for nations.
那么我能很明确地告诉你美国没有永久的敌人，这是因为我们没有永久的仇恨。美国有时被认为是一个不是那么吸取历史经验的国家。鉴于此我想说，还好我们是这样做了，因为太过于注重历史就被被其禁锢住。
Diplomacy, if properly practiced, is not just talking for the sake of talking. It requires incentives and disincentives to make the choice clear to those with whom you are dealing that you will change your behavior if they are willing to change theirs. Diplomacy can make possible a world in which old enemies can become, if not friends, then no longer adversaries.
民主，如果我们合理实施的话，就不能只说不做了。这就需要约束与激励来让你对于你交往的人做出明确的选择，因为于你交往的人如果要改变他们自己的话这也会影响你的行为。
Consider the case of Libya. Just a few years ago, the United States and Libya were locked in a state of hostility. But as Libya has chosen to reject
篇三：赖斯演说
Remarks at the Commonwealth Club
Secretary Condoleezza Rice
Davies Symphony Hall
San Francisco, CA
May 27, 2005
(Noon PDT)
SECRETARY RICE: Thank you. Thank you very much. Well, it's nice to be home. Thank you very much. Thank you, Rose, for that kind introduction and for the invitation to speak here among friends and colleagues from the Bay Area. I'd also like to thank my good friend Gloria Duffy for her leadership of this club and for her leadership in international affairs for a couple of decades now, Gloria. And I do want to admit that I always thought that I might play Davies Hall, but on the piano. (Laughter.)
It's great to be back in California. In fact, there really isn't that much that I miss about California, just the climate and the wine and the food and the culture and the people -- (laughter) -- and Pac Ten sports and all aspects of this great quality life. But I'm especially pleased to be here in San Francisco today, not just because it's down the road from the place that I really grew up as an academic -- Stanford University -- but because this great city has played an important role in the history of international politics.
Sixty years ago, the countries of the world signed the Charter of the United Nations here in San Francisco. That event marked the opening of an entirely new and unprecedented era in world history. Four decades later, San Francisco hosted one of the key events that helped to bring that era to a close. In a speech to the Commonwealth Club, 20 years ago, then-Secretary of State George Shultz articulated the strategy that accelerated the collapse of the Soviet Union, a strategy that became known as the Reagan Doctrine.
The main idea of that doctrine was simple and powerful. A democratic revolution was sweeping
the world -- Secretary Shultz declared -- and the United States of America would use every aspect of our national power to protect, to strengthen and to expand the movement of liberty worldwide.
Four years later, the Berlin Wall was torn asunder and the colors of dawn finally broke throughout the long twilight struggle. As we reflect on the ideas of that speech, we recognize that much that is universal in America's purpose still remains. But we also notice that this is a radically different situation in our present circumstances.
The implosion of the Soviet Union fundamentally transformed our world. From the fall of the Berlin Wall on 11/9 to the toppling of the twin towers on 9/11, the old international order slowly and then quickly crumbled into dust. For some, this was a glorious revolution, a cause for celebration throughout Russia and Eastern Europe. For others, however, the collapse of the old world order shattered the false and fragile stability within many foreign societies.
Ethnic cleansing erupted in the Balkans. War and genocide haunted Central Africa. And in Afghanistan, a vicious band of zealots seized power, brutalized their people and made common cause with mass murderers. The full nature of this new world was revealed on a warm September morning turned black with terror.
On that day, the United States learned just how closely our nation's security is tied to the success or failure of other societies. You see in today's world the greatest threats to peace emerge within nations, not between them. As a result, the internal relationship between state and society is just as important as the external balance of power between governments.
In response to this unprecedented challenge, President Bush set a new course for America, a practical course of action that summons the highest ideals of our nation, from Franklin Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan. As the President has said, "The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world."
Trying to label our policies as either realistic or idealistic, I submit to you, is a false choice. It is both. Freedom and democracy are the only way for diverse societies to resolve their disputes justly and to live together without oppression and war. Our challenge today is to create conditions of openness around states that encourage and nurture democratic reform within states.
(Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, America must open a path to the march of freedom across the entire world. We are succeeding in this great purpose and we measure our success in the democratic revolutions that have stunned the entire world, vibrant revolutions of rose and orange and purple and tulip and cedar. It is a time when there is great hope for a Palestinian state founded on democratic principles and it is time --
AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Off-mike.) Stop the killing, stop the suicide, USA out of Iraq.
SECRETARY RICE: Ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, it is a wonderful thing that people can speak their minds. And it is a good thing that they can now do so in Baghdad.
(Applause.)
Yes, ladies and gentlemen, in Baghdad and Kabul and soon in Beirut, they too will be able to speak their minds. What a wonderful thing democracy is.
(Applause.)
To be sure, enormous challenges still define a violent Iraq and a postwar Afghanistan and many other young democracies. But this afternoon, I would like to spend a few moments with you about the challenges strengthening democracy in three important regions: in Latin America, in Africa, and in Asia; areas that are not so often on the front pages, but that are very much in our minds.
To open a path for freedom in Latin America, the United States is offering economic incentives to advance political reform. The success of democracy in Latin America depends on the continued openness of our hemisphere, openness to new ideas and to new people and especially to new trade.
A region that trades in freedom benefits everyone and one of the highest priorities of this administration is to pass the Central America and Dominican Republic free trade agreement known as CAFTA.
(Applause.)
For too many decades, U.S. policy towards Central America has oscillated from engagement to disregard and back again. With CAFTA, we can break this trend once and for all. We can demonstrate that the United States is permanently committed to the success of all Latin American
countries that honor the principles of liberty. CAFTA will energize democracy, strengthen security, and promote prosperity among some of our most important neighbors. The people of Central America and the Dominican Republic are working hard to replace a past of chaos with a future of commerce. They are embracing democratic principles and free market reform. And together, we must use the incentive of increased trade to promote even greater political freedom.
To attract trade and investment, democratic nations will work to create the political conditions for prosperity, transparent and accountable governments with the energy and the integrity to enforce the rule of law. In turn, these democratic reforms will help citizens to lift themselves out of poverty and participate in the life of their nation. There is a belief among some that CAFTA will only enable the strong to prey on the weak. But that view is totally misguided. On the lawful level playing field of democracy, free trade offers greater opportunities to all people from all walks of life. Free trade is most important for small businesses because they have the energy and the industry to adapt to new challenges and to succeed.
When government liberates the entrepreneurial spirit of its citizens, free trade becomes an engine for greater prosperity and social mobility. Of course, the CAFTA agreement will also benefit the United States by uniting suppliers and customers throughout the region. And we will all compete more successfully in a dynamic global economy.
More important still, CAFTA will contribute to democratic stability in Central America, making our nation's periphery stronger and safer and freer. For some nations in Latin America, however, democratic institutions must be nurtured with foreign aid. The United States is, thus, providing new development assistance with our Millennium Challenge Account initiative.
For decades we wasted billions of dollars in aid because it was given unconditionally. The MCA has revolutionized that practice, committing billions of dollars in new money to countries that rule justly, advance economic liberty and invest in their people. Honduras and Nicaragua have met these conditions and we are working with them to reach compacts for granting assistance.
The Millennium Challenge Account is also helping to open a path for the march of freedom in Africa. As in Latin America, it is serving as external encouragement for internal reform. Eight African nations are eligible for MCA assistance. And just this April, the Millennium Challenge Corporation signed its first compact with Madagascar; $110 million in assistance that will help the nation's citizens to share in the blessings of political and economic liberty.
The United States is committed to that vision of a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Africa. In the past four years, we have tripled the amount of official development assistance that we give to
the nations of Africa. But we also recognize the limitations of that approach. As Uganda's President Museveni has said, "By itself, aid cannot transform societies. Only trade can foster the sustained economic growth necessary for a transformation."
President Bush agrees with the wisdom of that statement and he has sought to extend the benefits of free trade to Sub-Saharan Africa through the African Growth and Opportunity Act, or AGOA. This policy grants preferential trading status to African countries that are committed to democratic and free market reforms.
The result is an environment of openness that not only creates jobs, it encourages African nations to transform their society. By any conceivable measurement, AGOA is a success. Thirty-seven countries have qualified so far. Congress has twice extended the life of this legislation with strong bipartisan support. And last year alone the United States imported over $26 billion of goods from the AGOA group of African nations, a nearly 90 percent increase over the previous year.
(Applause.)
This means more jobs and greater stability and increased opportunity for an expanding number of African citizens. With AGOA we are sending the message loud and clear that political and economic liberty are the keys to success.
As in Africa and Latin America, the United States is also opening a path for the continued march of freedom in Asia. Since the middle of the 20th century, we have guaranteed an environment of liberty, security and opportunity in Asia. And while the entire world focused on the grand events of the Cold War, an amazing thing happened right here in our own hemisphere. With America's support, billions of people across Asia, as here in our hemisphere in Latin America, tirelessly and steadily built the foundations of democracy on their own.
Some people looked at Asia in the 21st century and drew bleak comparisons with Europe in the 20th century. Like Europe then, Asia now is transforming itself politically and economically through global trade and record growth. But rather than view this change as a contribution to peace, some believe that it will stoke old grievances and nationalist sentiments.
According to cynics, the struggle for the mastery of Asia is just over the horizon. This is a crude analogy and I reject it as an abuse of history. There is no reason why Europe's past should predetermine Asia's future and we can explain why this is true in just one word: Openness. Europe's instability of the early 20th century stemmed, in part, from its non-democratic character,
